Get
Thee to a Nunnery,
Three items on convents: (1) Cities & Virgins (2) Scandal in Naples (3) Escape from the Cloister, -both 2
& 3 by L. Mangiafico1.
Cities & Virgins
"Cities
and Virgins: Female Aristocratic Convents in Early
Modern Naples and Palermo" by Helen Hills in Oxford
Art Journal, Vol. 22, No. 1 (1999), pp. 31-54
Published by: Oxford University Press. Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1360682
These are my comments on a fine essay by
Helen Hills in the Oxford Art Journal.
It is not an abstract or a synthesis, merely some
comments on what I found interesting. It is by no
means a substitute for the real thing (for which I
refer you to the JSTOR reference, above).
The church of Regina Coeli in
Naples
Elsewhere I have an entry on theRebirth of Rome in the
Middle Ages. At the time I researched it, I remember being
informed of the somewhat helter-skelter approach to the
urbanization of the Eternal City. Cities and Virgins:
Female Aristocratic Convents in Early Modern Naples and
Palermo now make me aware that there were similar
approaches in those cities. There was significant building
that was not necessarily mandated from the Spanish viceroy
at the top; much development in the age of the Neapolitan
Baroque started in the middle, at the level of the
aristocratic convents, helping to shape the city around
them.
The author, Helen Hills,asks the question of how
female aristocratic convents and the women residing in
them contributed to the interplay of the development of
the city, architecture, social class, and particularly
gender in the development of the cities of Palermo and
Naples. She makes the point that the role of gender has
largely been overlooked in the history of urbanism—that is
to say, gender-specific contributions, not whether there
were individual brilliant woman artists or
patrons of the arts. Of course, there were, but was the
role of women as a class, specifically women in
religious houses, different. Her answer is yes. Why? That
is the point of the essay.
We consider first the session of the Council of Trent
(Trento, in northern Italy) in 1563 and the effect it had
on women. To refresh your memory, the Council of Trent met
25 times between 1545 and 1563 to deal with the Protestant
Reformation; it was the beginning of the so-called
Counter-Reformation. In a hurry by 1563, the council left
until the very last session the question of women in
convents and then dealt with the issue in a very
retrograde fashion, reinstating a papal decree from 1298
(almost three centuries earlier!) that women in convents
should be strictly enclosed, walled off from the outside
world and not be permitted to leave the cloister except in
dire emergencies. This set back the tradition of the
increasing amount of involvement by nuns in the outside
community that had developed over the previous
three-hundred years; it ignored the fact that, especially
in Naples, the life of the nun was a way for a poor family
to preserve its honor—that is, having a daughter active
within the church, but not socially isolated from family
and community. It was also a way for rich families to
avoid paying extravagant dowries when they married a
daughter off. She could enter a nunnery instead, for a
much smaller “conventual dowry” and still keep her
property.
The new isolation had, says Hills,
…direct architectural results…[it] redirected the
energies of some convents from direct engagement with
the world through teaching or charitable works, to
making their presence felt in cities through building
programmes of unprecedented urbanistic and architectural
ambition…[This includes]…the effects of such
urbanization on both sides of closed doors…contributing
to the nature of interior space, its handling, and
decoration.
Thus, there were not just high walls with
rusticated gates on the outside — I love that term…rusticated,
made to look rough and sturdy, strong, fortress-like and
uninviting!— but, within, there were elaborate portals,
narrow stairways, doors, bars, gilt iron grilles
resembling cages, all meant to emphasize not just that the
sisters were cut off, but to “advertise” that their
virginity, their purity, was being protected.
For various reasons in Naples, as
noted, there were a fair number of women of financial
means living the cloistered life. These aristocratic nuns
frequently brought property and money to the convent. Some
of them had the money to pay for expensive works of art
for their religious houses. Hills says, “...Rich
families sometimes directed monies towards buildings or
decorative programmes for convent churches through nuns
related to them…the impact on the convents of an
inheritance system…was considerable and it is manifested
visually.” In some cases, the wealthy families of
nuns funded the construction of entirely new churches with
lavishly decorated interiors by the best artisans of the
period. Some of the churches cited by Hills as examples of
this type of system in Naples are S.
Gregorio Armeno, S.
Maria della Sapienza, Croce
di Lucca and Regina Coeli.
The question then turns to how these flamboyantly
beautiful convents and churches fit into—indeed, helped to
shape—the urban environment and social relations of the
day. By 1650 there were 37 convents in Naples, many of
them built in the same area in or near the historic center
of the city. They gobbled up territory such that few civil
dwellings or other buildings existed in their midst. They
were so tightly packed that they were like tiny citadels,
“conventual enclaves.” Civic buildings, gardens and other
public spaces were taken over and, thus, these convents
had power to shape the physical domain around them. They
dominated streets and squares, and they vied with one
another to get the most prestigious worshippers among the
noble classes in their congregations. They even sued one
another for encroachment!
Now something that had not occurred to me. By 1650 Naples
was the second most populous city in Europe (after Paris),
with attendant problems of overcrowding and lack of
hygiene. (That much I knew.) The mushrooming of religious
institutions in a city already saturated with them did not
help. The author puts much of the responsibility on the
desire of the Spanish rulers of their vice-realm of Naples
to use religious orders to help combat heresy and public
disorder in the face of the recent outbreaks of plague. Public
disorder was partially due to conflict at the bottom — Masaniello's
Revolt, for example — but also at the top with the
desire by the ruling classes to retain feudal privilege in
an age when feudalism was on the way out in the face of
absolute monarchies. In Naples, feudal lords were ordered
to resettle in the city, where the king could keep tabs on
them. When the Spanish took over Naples at the beginning
of the 1500s, they brought a feudal aristocracy with them.
There was then rivalry and conflict at the top, between
the old and the new feudal classes. Convents, in a way,
became a tool in the battle as more and more noble
families sought to retain their wealth by dumping their
daughters into convents in order to save paying out
dowries to their husbands. There was no such surge in
“daughter dumping” among poor families. Hills calls it an
“aristocratic solution to an aristocratic problem
addressed in religious terms.” At this point, I
wonder—and am not really sure—if this "aristocratic
solution"—was at least one of the things that extended the
life of feudalism in southern Italy.
Moving to the specific role of gender, Hills says,
The respectability of the convent is intimately
connected to a further aspect of female virginity as
representing family honour. Historians and
anthropologists studying Mediterranean societies have
shown how important sexuality and sexual behaviour are
in social delimitation and that it is especially women’s
sexuality and behaviour that are subject to control…As
the nobility clung to power by increasingly restricting
marriage to fewer daughter in each family during the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, so the regulation
of the sexuality of excess daughters became the source
of mounting anxiety. And it is above all to the
safeguarding of the family honour that the fortress
architecture of female convents is conspicuously
dedicated.
The symbolic meaning of virginity is a
source of extreme conflict as one moves from culture to
culture in the world. How convent and church architecture
in Naples relates to this struggle is interesting. Chosen
virginity may be a sign of spirituality within the
Christian tradition; on the other hand, imposed virginity
presupposes some sort of woman’s guilt, some kind of
contaminator of male honour. By willingly populating
fortress convents, the women residents emphasized the
aspect of choice, and thus the spirituality. Even the high
positioning of the nuns’ choir—the space in the church
reserved for nuns—in Neapolitan baroque churches elevated
those women, physically and spiritually, to special
prominence. The architecture of the religious house,
itself— the physical shape of the interior—became a
tribute to their spirituality at the same time as they
were influencing the urban world around them.
2.
(Nov. 2013) Get thee to a nunnery,
part II
(This item and the next
are from Luciano Mangiafico,
who follows this website with frequent comments. Luciano
is retired from the US foreign service and is
the author of Contemporary
American Immigrants: Patterns of Filipino, Korean,
and Chinese Settlement in the United States, and
Italy's Most Wanted: The Top 10 Book of Roman
Ruins, Wonderful Wines, and Renaissance Rarities.
After reading the above item on "Cities &
Virgins," he offered the following comment.)
Read with interest your take on the effect
of nunneries on the architecture and urban fabric on
Naples. Cooping up so many women in enclosed spaces
against their will also had other effects, as evident by
the Nun of Monza,* problems within Venetian nunneries, and
so on. Naples was not exempt as exemplified by the
following, from one of my own musings.
*[Edit. note: The "Nun of Monza" refers
to a character in Manzoni's novel The Betrothed,
a nun sent to a life in a convent by her father just
so he could keep the family fortune intact.]
Scandal in Naples
The church of St.
Arcangelo a Baiano today
(photo: wiki/Baku)
Conventual
scandals did not lack in Naples, either. In the
15th century both King Alfonso and subsequently his son,
King Ferrante, battled the power and chicanery of monks
and the misdeed of nuns with limited success. The writer Masuccio
Salernitano (1410-74) in his collection of 50
stories, Il Novellino, described monks and nuns as
cheaters, thieves, and fornicators, and states, "nuns are
the exclusive property of monks". Monks even tried to
cheat King Ferrante by trying to persuade him to persecute
Jews by concocting a false miracle by St. Cataldus, but
the king got wise to the fraud.
A much worse and violent scandal took place in 1556
in the Convent of Sant'Arcangelo a Baiano, located then
near the site of the current central railroad station in
Naples. The convent, built in the 13th century by the
French Angevin kings to celebrate their defeat of the
previous Swabian dynasty, was run by Abbess Laura Baiano
and included as nuns a number of noblewomen who had been
forced by their parents to take vows. Some were
daughters of the most prominent families of the city,
accustomed to a life of luxury and good times and were not
at all pleased to find themselves locked behind conventual
walls, dedicated to a life of prayer and sacrifice.
This group included Agata Arcamone, Giulia Caracciolo,
Livia Pignatelli, Chiara Frezza, and Laura Sanfelice.
The first three listed above were indeed caught
sexually entertaining male guests within the convent and
were referred to the Cardinal Archbishop of Naples who
lectured them and meted a mild form of punishment.
Apparently, the girls' families were not so easily
assuaged by what they considered slander to their honor
and two of the male lovers, Antonio Tarracina and Giacomo
Crispo, were murdered by hired assassins.
Inside the convent, unknown parties (probably other
nuns) poisoned the abbess and two nuns, and the priest
assigned by the cardinal to reform the institution, Andrew
Avellino (1521-1608; later St. Andrew Avellino), was
assaulted and seriously wounded by other nuns' lovers who
were no longer able to visit their paramours. As rumors
continue to circulate that the nuns were still engaged in
sexual orgies, and violence continued to plague the
convent, the pope ordered the institution closed in 1577.
The convent building, now semi-abandoned, is said to be
hounded by the ghosts of some of the nuns, including that
of Agata Arcamone, who disappeared mysteriously shortly
before the closing of the convent.
The church annexed to the convent, St. Arcangelo a
Baiano [photo, above], during the troubled times had a
reliquary containing some of the blood of St John the
Baptist, which had been brought to Naples by the French
Angevin kings. The blood liquefied from its solid state
each year on June 21, St. John's feast day. When the
convent was closed, the reliquary was moved and is now in
the church of St. Gregorio Armeno
in Naples.
In 1864 Florentine
publisher Gasparo Barbera printed I Misteri del
Chiostro Napoletano (Mysteries of The Neapolitan
Cloister), a book by Neapolitan, Enrichetta Caracciolo.
lliteracy in Italy was 70% and economic conditions limited
book purchases so a thousand copies of a new work made it
a bestseller. Ten years after the first edition, the
Caracciolo book was in its eighth printing and 20,000
copies had been sold just in Italy. It was translated into
the major European languages and received a favorable
notice from the dean of Italian poets and novelists,
Alessandro Manzoni.
Enrichetta
Caracciolo was the daughter of Fabio Caracciolo
(1756-1838), a military officer and Teresa Cutelli
(c.1793-1854), of Sicilian nobility. The Caracciolo family
was well-known in Naples but was not wealthy, thus the
family made do as best they could. Enrichetta was born in
Naples in 1821, fifth of seven daughters. By then her
father was Marshall in the Neapolitan army and after
Enrichetta’a birth, the family moved to Bari in Apulia,
where he commanded the army garrison. He was
eventually made a garrison commander in Reggio Calabria,
where he stayed until his death in 1839.
This
image of Enrichetta
Caracciolo appeared in the
first edition of I
Misteri del Chiostro Napoletano.
The family then went
back to Naples where, unbeknownst to Enrichetta, her
mother decided that this 18-year-old girl would enter the
Convent of San Gregorio Armeno. For hundreds of years, the
Caracciolo family had sent some of their daughters there
to become nuns. The decision to seek Enrichetta’s
admission to the convent, where two of her aunts were
nuns, was seen first as temporary, but became permanent
when her mother remarried. Thus, in 1841 Enrichetta became
a novice and in October 1842 took her vows as a nun.
She did not fit. She was independent, well-read, and had
little in common with other nuns. She had no contact with
the outside world except a confessor and yearned to escape
from the monotonous convent. But the more she disobeyed
the rules, the more they punished her. In 1846 she tried
to renounce her vows, petitioning Pope Pius IX. Her
request was denied, mainly because the Archbishop of
Naples, Cardinal Sisto Riario Sforza was opposed.
During the revolutionary patriotic disturbances of
1848-49, Enrichetta sided with the revolutionaries and
tried to smuggle subversive tracts into the convent. The
pope then let her leave the convent of San Gregorio Armeno
and live in an educational Catholic school for young
women, the Conservatorio di Costantinopoli. She
still had restrictions: no reading of non-devotional
works, no writing letters, not even playing the music of
Rossini on the piano. She rebelled, of course, and was
sent back to the nunnery. She simply walked away. They
threatened her with arrest and a return to the convent, so
she moved to Capua, to a religious home for women,
protected by Cardinal Francesco Serra di Cassano. When he
died in 1850, she went home to Naples to stay with her
sister but was arrested and forcibly taken to the Ritiro
[Retreat] di Mondragone (near Naples), a home for widows
of noblemen. She was not even allowed to go to her
mother’s funeral. She tried to commit suicide. In November
1854, she was allowed to leave, allegedly for medical
reasons. She feared re-arrest during the next few years
and changed residence 18 times.
The Bourbon kingdom of Naples fell to the forces of
Garibaldi in 1860. When he entered the city of Naples in
September 1860, she finally quit the religious life. She
was in line to be appointed by Garibaldi, the
self-proclaimed "dictator of Naples", to be inspector of
educational institutions, but that post did not
materialize once the new Italian government took over. In
the meantime, she married a nobleman of German extraction
who had supported the movement to unite Italy, Giovanni
Greuther (1805-85) of the Dukes of San Severino.
Enrichetta kept active in public affairs, writing for
dailies in Salerno and in Palermo. She published a
Proclamation to Italian Women (1866) in support of
the Third War of Independence against Austria, and was
prominent in the Neapolitan Committee for Women's Rights.
Enrichetta Caracciolo died in 1901 in Naples, virtually
unknown.
What made
I Misteri del Chiostro Napoletano a publishing
success? First, the title. It promised something long
hushed up. It was a clever device, after earlier successes
such as of Eugene Sue’s The Mysteries of Paris
(1842) and Carlo Collodi’s The Mysteries of Florence
(1857). I Misteri del Chiostro Napoletano was,
after all, the story of a young girl forced to become a
nun, a girl who saw the convent as a prison, where she was
deprived of her youth and freedom, and where she fought
against a heartless cardinal who kept her locked up. It
blended romanticized autobiography with history, dealing
with the suffocation of the individual and with the
dictates of powerful malign forces. And it appealed to the
spirit of liberalism and the anti-clericalism of those
years. In a way, it was similar to Denis Diderot’s La
Religieuse (1796) Giovanni Rosini’s La Monaca di
Monza (1829), and Alessandro Manzoni’s own version
of that story.
The
book played a notable role in the secularization of public
life in the newly united Italy in the face of active
opposition from the Church, which saw the loss of its
state (the Vatican States) as a threat to its
independence. State and Church were engaged in a struggle:
the Church used religious sentiments to fight the
secularization of life in the nation, while the government
abolished monastic orders, took over welfare and
charitable institutions, confiscated church properties,
restricted Catholic control of education, and put clerics
under criminal civil law.
Internationally the book was a great success. It fed
strong anti-Catholic sentiments in the Unites States, for
example. The book fit into the pattern of stories of nuns
being victimized or engaging in inappropriate behavior.
One such book was Maria Monk's (1816-49) The Hidden
Secrets of a Nun’s Life in a Convent Exposed (1836),
with its tales of sexual abuse of nuns by priests and
infanticide in a Catholic nunnery in Montreal, Canada. In
the U.S. Monk's bookwas second in sales only to the Bible
(!) until the publication of Harriet Beecher Stowe’s Uncle
Tom’s Cabin in 1852.
References
1. Barbera, Gaspero. Memorie di un Editore.
Brindisi: Edizioni Trabant, 2013.
2. Brigandi, Alessandra. "Caracciolo Enrichetta"in Dizionario
Biografico degli Italiani, Volume 19 (1976).
3. Calderan, Valentina. Donne che hanno fatto l’Italia,
Ph.d thesis, Ca` Foscari University, Venice, 2018.
4. Caracciolo, Enrichetta. Memoirs of Henrietta
Caracciolo: Of the Princess of Forino, Ex-benedictine
Nun. London: ed. by Richard Bentley, 1865.
5. Caracciolo, Enrichetta. I Misteri del Chiostro
Napoletano. 1864.
7. Treccani Biographical Encyclopedia. Entry on
"Enrichetta Caraccioli".
8. Vernaghi, Alice. L’indomito esercizio della ragione
e l’oscurantismo del chiostro. Enrichetta Caracciolo.